[ 英文摘要 ]

Heads-of-Li (public servants of sub-district of district and township) is a group of elected people for the most fundamental administrations in Taiwan. They are usually natural headmen in local communities. Unfortunately, there are few and insufficient researches about Heads-of-Li to fulfill a holistic picture of Taiwan's local politics and communities. Here we try to establish some groundwork. The thesis consists of three parts:

First, the article investigates the demographic variables of Heads-of-Li and candidates in all previous administrations in Taipei since 1967. Heads-of-Li and candidates are mostly male, aged around 50 to 53, junior and senior high school graduates, merchandisers, KMT (Kuomintang) members, and were born in Taipei. The trend reveals an increase of female and well-educated candidates, a decrease of merchandisers and KMT members; however, the age and original domicile of them remain similar. These characteristics affect candidates' election results and the duration of each reign, and they are reflective of characteristics of urban and suburban districts.

Second, the article analyzes the statutory and non-statutory work of Heads-of-Li and explores their social and political roles. The main work of Heads-of-Li are maintaining and inspecting infrastructures, serving for the neighborhood, signing certificates, dealing with commissioned matters from other administrations, holding meetings, coping with social welfare matters, holding activities promoting neighborliness, conveying public opinions, and promoting community developments. The quantity of heads-of-Li's work is with a wide range, and the quality is quite different. Li's degree of urbanization and modernization, their demographic characteristics, and Heads-of-Li's abilities and attitudes in attending to business are all causes of different quality and quantity of Heads-of-Li's work. Moreover, heads-of-Li perform their roles not only as nation's clients but also as intermediates, brokers, and tiau-a-ka. Most heads-of-Li are members of KMT's election mobility systems and they often mobilize voters during elections successfully due to their unique social bonds. Even so, heads-of-Li do not necessary work as tiau-a-ka, and tiau-a-ka do not necessary obey their parties, political factions, or candidates.

Lastly, the article investigates the political mobility, demographic variables and the structure of political elite group composed of national assembly members, legislators, councilors, and heads-of-Li. The results has shown that the higher the levels of public opinion representatives, the higher the proportion of female, as well as the well-educated and non-KMT members. Also, the average age of heads-of-Li is much higher than the national assembly members, legislators, and councilors. The outer mobility rate of the national assembly members and legislators is the highest; councilors in the middle; heads-of-Li the lowest. Three of the highest rates of the inner mobility are national assembly members to legislators, councilors to legislators, and national assembly members to councilors. After the reform of Constitution in 1991, the rate of inner mobility from local representatives to central ones has increased. Generally speaking, the political structure of these representatives in Taiwan shows a tri-hierarchy: national assembly members and legislators the highest, councilors the middle, heads-of-Li the lowest.