校園一隅

三鶯研究

首頁 > 學生表現 > 三鶯研究>歷屆碩士班論文

國家代理人或地方頭人:台北市里長的人口屬性、職務、與政治流動之初探
(碩士班:張佳霏) (指導教授:黃樹仁)

刊登日期:2006-08-31  
友善列印


  • 研究生:張佳霏
  • 論文名稱:國家代理人或地方頭人:台北市里長的人口屬性、職務、與政治流動之初探
  • 指導教授:黃樹仁
  • 關鍵字:國家代理人 ; 地方頭人 ; 樁腳 ; 地方政治 ; 基層行政組織
  • [摘要]

    關於村里長的研究十分稀少,且往往只以「行政組織治理效能」為唯一的研究旨趣,造成我們對於這群人的理解不足且有偏頗。本研究的目的即在於為村里長研究建立一些基礎工程。內容主要包含三部分:

    第一部分分析1967年以來歷屆臺北市里長與里長候選人之基本人口屬性。其主要特色為:男性、中年(50-53歲)、中學教育程度、從商、臺北市籍、中國國民黨籍。長期趨勢為:女性微幅增多、教育程度提升、從商比例下滑、中國國民黨籍比例減少,而其年齡與籍貫的特色則維持不變。此外,這些人口屬性是影響里長與其候選人當選與否與任期長短的原因之一。而市中心區與近郊區的里長有略微不同的人口屬性。

    第二部分分析村里長各類法定與非法定職務,並探討其政治與社會角色。村里長的主要職務包括:基礎工程維修或興建之通報與會勘、村里民主動尋求村里長服務事項、開立村里長證明事項、其他行政機關的委辦事項、召開相關會議、協助社會福利與急難救助、舉辦睦鄰互助活動、反應民意與促使社區變遷等。他(她)們除了擔任執行法定職務的國家代理人,還是地方上重要的自然領導人,包括為村里民排解糾紛的和事佬角色、具有準民意代表特質的掮客角色、與選舉時巧妙運用俗民網絡而動員選民的樁腳角色等。多數村里長由於擁有極豐富的社會關係,又作為行政官僚系統的末稍,具有強大的選舉動員能力,因此成為重要的樁腳人選。儘管如此,村里長不必然是樁腳,而樁腳也不必然完全服從政黨、派系或候選人的安排,彼此間不是維持固化的上下從屬關係。整體來說,村里長的職務特色是「工作量多寡迥異、工作類型不盡相同」。這個特色是由臺灣各村里之都市化與現代化程度、居民人口組成、村里長個人的能力與處事風格之不同等原因造成。

    第三部分分析臺北市各級民意代表(包括國代、立委、議員、里長)之政治流動狀況、基本人口屬性、與結構。愈高層級的民意代表女性比例大致愈高、教育程度愈高、中國國民黨籍者愈少,而里長的年齡顯著高於其他三者。而中央層級民意代表(國代與立委)的外部流動程度最高,地方層級的議員次之,最基層的里長最低、且顯著低於其他三者。內部流動部分,國代向立委水平流動的比例最高,議員向立委向上流動的比例次之,國代向議員向下流動的比例再次之。其餘內部流動的程度極低。此外,1991年國會全面改選後,地方民代向中央民代流動的頻率逐漸增加。整體來說,臺北市各級民意代表的政治位置為「三元結構」,最頂端為國民大會代表與立委,中端為議員,最底端為里長。


  • [ 英文摘要 ]

    Heads-of-Li (public servants of sub-district of district and township) is a group of elected people for the most fundamental administrations in Taiwan. They are usually natural headmen in local communities. Unfortunately, there are few and insufficient researches about Heads-of-Li to fulfill a holistic picture of Taiwan's local politics and communities. Here we try to establish some groundwork. The thesis consists of three parts:

    First, the article investigates the demographic variables of Heads-of-Li and candidates in all previous administrations in Taipei since 1967. Heads-of-Li and candidates are mostly male, aged around 50 to 53, junior and senior high school graduates, merchandisers, KMT (Kuomintang) members, and were born in Taipei. The trend reveals an increase of female and well-educated candidates, a decrease of merchandisers and KMT members; however, the age and original domicile of them remain similar. These characteristics affect candidates' election results and the duration of each reign, and they are reflective of characteristics of urban and suburban districts.

    Second, the article analyzes the statutory and non-statutory work of Heads-of-Li and explores their social and political roles. The main work of Heads-of-Li are maintaining and inspecting infrastructures, serving for the neighborhood, signing certificates, dealing with commissioned matters from other administrations, holding meetings, coping with social welfare matters, holding activities promoting neighborliness, conveying public opinions, and promoting community developments. The quantity of heads-of-Li's work is with a wide range, and the quality is quite different. Li's degree of urbanization and modernization, their demographic characteristics, and Heads-of-Li's abilities and attitudes in attending to business are all causes of different quality and quantity of Heads-of-Li's work. Moreover, heads-of-Li perform their roles not only as nation's clients but also as intermediates, brokers, and tiau-a-ka. Most heads-of-Li are members of KMT's election mobility systems and they often mobilize voters during elections successfully due to their unique social bonds. Even so, heads-of-Li do not necessary work as tiau-a-ka, and tiau-a-ka do not necessary obey their parties, political factions, or candidates.

    Lastly, the article investigates the political mobility, demographic variables and the structure of political elite group composed of national assembly members, legislators, councilors, and heads-of-Li. The results has shown that the higher the levels of public opinion representatives, the higher the proportion of female, as well as the well-educated and non-KMT members. Also, the average age of heads-of-Li is much higher than the national assembly members, legislators, and councilors. The outer mobility rate of the national assembly members and legislators is the highest; councilors in the middle; heads-of-Li the lowest. Three of the highest rates of the inner mobility are national assembly members to legislators, councilors to legislators, and national assembly members to councilors. After the reform of Constitution in 1991, the rate of inner mobility from local representatives to central ones has increased. Generally speaking, the political structure of these representatives in Taiwan shows a tri-hierarchy: national assembly members and legislators the highest, councilors the middle, heads-of-Li the lowest.