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三鶯研究

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我,就是台灣人…… ─陳水扁外省籍幕僚的國家認同研究
(碩士班:黃毓茹) (指導教授:王雅各)

刊登日期:2013-01-08  
友善列印


  • 研究生: 黃毓茹
  • 論文名稱: 我,就是台灣人……─陳水扁外省籍幕僚的國家認同研究
  • 指導教授: 王雅各
  • 關鍵字: 國家認同、外省人、後殖民論述、法農
  • [摘要]

    過去台灣有關「外省人」政黨支持的研究皆顯示,省籍是解釋政治認同與投票行為的重要變項。許多研究指出民進黨很難得到外省籍選民的青睞,特別是在幾次民進黨籍候選人陳水扁以及國民黨籍候選人馬英九的選舉中,投票結果顯示外省籍選民始終難以投給本省籍候選人,這似乎映證了「外省人是國民黨的鐵票」的論述。

    外省籍民眾的政黨支持有高度的一致性,也反映在他們高度的「中國認同」上。但是也有小部分的外省籍民眾卻支持國民黨以外的政黨。而本研究關注於這小部分的外省人,試圖在省籍的敏感議題上,能有更多元多面向的角度來看待外省人的政治立場。故而,我選擇外省第二代的陳水扁幕僚,以其生命故事,呈現擁有台灣認同的外省第二代的認同歷程。大體上而言,在形成台灣認同的過程中,對於擁有台灣認同的外省第二代而言,當他們關注到省籍差異造成的不公平後,他們首先必須面對的是在「公平正義」或「外省特權」中做出抉擇。察覺到國民黨的專制集權後,他們接著是在「國民黨的集權」或「民主自由」的選擇,切割了象徵集權的國民黨後,最後才是面臨到「中國」與「台灣」的國家認同選項。而國民黨與中國的連結是許多外省人割捨不下的。這樣的解釋也可以說明,處在相同的社會情境之下,為何有的外省人選擇了認同台灣,如同本研究的受訪者。而其他的多數外省人在當時的社會氛圍之下,即使對大環境有許多不滿,但在最終的國家認同選擇上,卻沒有改變立場。確立了「台灣認同」後,因其外省籍身分而產生的不適感以及危機感兩部分為觀察面向。不適感的部份,他們採取責任歸咎、正面貢獻以及淡化省籍的論述進行維護。危機感的部分,他們從兩種角度來看待:從歷史角度以及政治層面觀察。最後,透過法農的後殖民論述框架審視台灣的,我們可以觀察到台灣的特殊狀況:(一) 外省族群內部的階級差異;(二) 外省人產生了如同本省人的「被壓迫感」;(三)殖民者認同被殖民者的現象。藉以補充法農論述上的不足。

  • [ 英文摘要 ]

    Past studies of Mainlander indicated the province is variables to explain political identity and voting behavior. Many studies have pointed out that the DPP is difficult to get Mainlander voters support. Especially in elections, the results of the poll show Mainlander voters has always been difficult to vote for the local candidates, which seems to be reflected Mainlanders are faithful supporters of the KMT.

    Mainlander not only support the KMT, also support Chinese identity. But some of the Mainlanders support political parties other than the KMT. This study focused on those Mainlanders and in order to have more multidimensional perspective on the political position of the Mainlanders.

    I chose the Mainlander-staff of the President Chen Shui-bian which life story showing the second-generation of Mainlanders recognition process with Taiwan identity. When they concerned about unfair to provincial discriminating, they must face the "fairness and justice" or " provinces privilege "to make a choice at first. Aware of the KMT's authoritarian centralization, then they choose between "KMT centralization "and" democracy and freedom ".Cutting a symbol of the centralized power of the KMT, and finally facing national identity option to" China "or" Taiwan ".

    When Mainlanders established “Taiwan identity”, the feelings of discomfortable and a sense of crisis generated . In order to reduce discomfortable feeling, they taken to exposition with clarify the responsibility, emphasize positive contribution and dilute provincial exposition. In order to dispel sense of crisis, they viewed from two perspectives: from historical and the political perspective.

    Finally, using Postcolonial discourse framework by Fanon, we can observe that the special situation of Taiwan: (a) within the class of the provinces ethnic differences; (b) the Mainlanders feel also oppressive just as Native Taiwanese (c) colonists agree with the native phenomenon.

    KEY WORDS: National identity, Mainlander, Postcolonial discourse, Fanon