- 研究生: 顏詩耕
- 論文名稱: 綠營傳統票倉?台灣南部選舉政治分析
- 指導教授: 黃樹仁
- 關鍵字: 綠營傳統票倉、族群動員、解嚴、脈絡效果、分裂投票、人際關係網絡
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近年來,「北藍『南綠』」始終是學界、媒體與社會不斷討論的議題,濁水溪以南是民進黨或綠營票倉幾乎已成共識。然而,「南綠」政治版圖一詞其實隱含了臺灣南部地區「傳統上」即是綠營票倉的刻板印象,或誤解。過往的討論亦常常不自覺地混淆綠營北部得票率與藍營南部得票率這兩組參照對象。本文實證研究便指出,濁水溪以南並非綠營傳統票倉。若以北部地區為比較對象,「南綠」出現在1986年至1989年兩次增額立法委員選舉間;此外,2000年總統大選、2001年後,綠營在濁水溪以南得票方持續領先藍營。經驗分析則發現,綠營族群動員訴求、1987年的解嚴、臺灣南北本省閩南人口比例的差距和脈絡效果乃是1986至1989年間,綠營南部票倉出現的原因。
其次,若聚焦層級較低、規模較小選舉,如縣市議員與鄉鎮市長,研究發現,至少自1998年起,綠營在濁水溪以南得票率便高過北部地區,南、北相比之下,「南綠」票倉確實存在,不過,若以藍營濁水溪以南得票率為比較對象,聲稱南部是綠營票倉,似乎言之過早。
再者,本文發現,綠營在不同層級或規模選舉間存有明顯得票差距,不少在高層級選舉支持綠營選民於基層選戰反倒轉而投予非綠營候選人,出現分裂投票行為。經驗研究指出,地方政治中的人際關係網絡或許是泛綠陣營得票差距,以及部分選民分裂投票之成因,不過,仍須進一步的直接證據支撐本文的想像。
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It is widely held that the south Taiwan is the traditional strong hold of the Pan-Green camp in Taiwan’s elections. This study shows this is simply not true. This study finds that the Pan-Green camp began to earn higher support rate in south than in north only between 1986 and 1989, and even in south Taiwan the Green camp began to earn higher support rate than the Blue camp only after 2001. This study suggests that ethnic mobilization by the Green camp after the lift of martial law in 1987, heavier presence of Minnan Taiwanese, and the contextual effect of ethnical concentration converge to create the current strong hold in south for the Green camp.
Furthermore, this study shows that even up to now the so-called Pan-Green strong hold in south Taiwan is true only in the level of county magistrate election and above. In the local elections below the level of county magistrate the Green camp still fares poorer that the Blue camp. This discrepancy, or the ticketing-splitting among Green supporters, probably can be explained by the relative underdevelopment of Green camp’s local political machine that is vital to personal connection needed in Taiwan’s local elections.
綠營傳統票倉?台灣南部選舉政治分析
(碩士班:顏詩耕) (指導教授:黃樹仁)
刊登日期:2011-08-31